Deleted:Han–Uyghur intermarriage

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In Ürümqi (Uyghur) Muslim women who married Han Chinese men were assaulted, seized, and kidnapped by hordes of (Uyghur) Muslims on 11 July 1947. Old (Uyghur) Muslim men forcibly married the women. In response to the chaos a curfew was placed at 11 p.m.[1]

The marriages between Muslim (Uyghur) women and Han Chinese men infuriated the Uyghur leader Isa Yusuf Alptekin.[2]

Mixed Han-Uyghur partners were pressured to leave their parents and sometimes Xinjiang entirely. During the Republic era from 1911–1949, Han military generals were pursued and wooed by Uyghur women. In 1949 when the Communists took over, the Uyghur population branded such women as milliy munapiq (ethnic scum), threatening and coercing them in accompanying their Han partners in moving to Taiwan and "China proper." Uyghur parents warned such women not to return any of their children, male or female, to Xinjiang after moving to "China proper" for attending educational institutions. This was so they could avoid ostracism and condemnation from their fellow Uyghurs. A case where a Han male dating a Uyghur woman and then a Han man and her elder sister incited the Uyghur community to condemn and harass her mother.[3]

Statistics

Although currently Uyghurs have an extremely low intermarriage overall, Dr. Joanne Smith Finley wrote that there is tiny rise in marriages between Han men and Uyghur women. Moreover out of all ethnic groups, ahead of Hui and Kazakhs, Han is the one whom Uyghurs marry with the most within their total small rate of intermarriage. Uyghur females married out more than Uyghur males at 0.46% to 0.2%, with Uyghur males being the least likely people to intermarry in Xinjiang.[4] Multiple studies and interviews confirm that the current prevalent form of intermarriage between Han and Uyghur is Han men being taken as husbands by Uyghur women.[5]

Opposition

Many Uyghurs oppose mixed race marriages.

A 28 year old mixed race woman named Amy whose father was Han and whose mother was Uyghur was interviewed by The Atlantic and she spoke of being estranged from Uyghurs and viewed Uyghur men's appearances negatively.[6] After a Han Chinese man named Xiaohe and a Uyghur woman named Aygul married, the Uyghur women was physically assaulted by her father. A Uyghur family cut off their daughter, a Uyghur woman Ahman who had a Han Chinese husband named Ming. When she had a Han Chinese boyfriend in school her fellow Uyghurs violently assaulted her. Uyghurs are often angered and shun inter-ethnic families with Han men and Uyghur women. These interethnic pairs fled Xinjiang to Beijing.[7][8][9][10][11][12][13][14][15]

Exceptions through general opposition to intermarriage could take place in event of the Han converting to Islam or the Uyghur and Han partners moving away to another location.[16]

Obstacles

Family relatives who object to interracial marriages of their relatives often lead to lasting difficulties, with relatives pressuring the marriage not to take place or forcing the couple to be estranged from the family.[17] Many interracial couples face the prospect of being disowned by their parents and cut off if they intermarried, while some couples, in the face of opposition, chose to run off with their partners.[18] Uyghur parents have cut off their kids or told them to stay away from Xinjiang if their kids married Han after going to the East coast to pursue their education. Some interracial couples had secret marriages to hide from their relatives and parents in Ghulja.[19]

Dr. Joanne Smith Finley interviewed Uyghur youth and found that Uyghur parents often pressure their children, daughters and sons, not to intermarry. The reactions from their children are mixed, with some Uyghurs like Mälikä and Aygül saying they would have to obey their parents and split up from their Han partner, while other Uyghurs said they would abscond like a 20 year old Uyghur woman named Gülshäm who said she would run off with a Han if the relationship was not allowed by her father.[20]

A 15 year old Uyghur boy naked Burkhan rejected the idea of marrying a Han female and told Dr. Smith Finley that he would be totally shunned by his fellow Uyghurs if he did it, while a 20 year old Uyghur woman named Gülshäm said that she was open to marriage with Han. She cheered on mixed couples as courageous, condemning her fellow Uyghurs for their harsh opposition to intermarriage. After Gülshäm brought up the subject of dating a Han boyfriend with a female friend, her friend then threatened violence against her if she ever dated a Han.[21]

Communities in which there have been racial conflict may put negative pressure on interracial couples and act as an impediment to them.[22] Conflict and war between different races leads to community prejudice against couples consisting of the two different races.[23] When intermarriage takes place with a reviled ethnicity, families may disown their children for doing it.[24] War and conflict between different peoples can hinder intermarriage between them.[25]

Conversion to Islam

Han and Hui intermarry with each other much more than Hui do with Uyghurs. Marriage with Hui is detested by many Uyghurs even though they are both Muslims. according to Uyghurs, Hui marriages with Uyghur frequently break apart and end in divorce.[26]

Still religion plays a role at restricting marriages between non-Muslims and Muslims.[27] And Muslims pressure men who marry into their community to convert to Islam.[28]

A number of Uyghur parents demand Han males and females who want to marry their daughters or sons convert to Islam. It was reported that there were many conversions to Islam by Han males who married Uyghur women by a Uyghur man, Nurmämät who was interviewed by Dr. Smith Finley.[29]

Becoming a Muslim results in more acceptance among Uyghurs of Han spouses. A case in Urumqi of a Han male who converted to Islam and married a Uyghur woman, was reported by an 18 year old Uyghur male, Ömär, who lived in the same area as the man and voiced the approval of the Uyghur community. The man adopted doppa hat, went to the mosque to pray and changed his name to Jümäkhun and was accepted as a real Muslim. Another case of a Han woman converting to Islam to marry a Uyghur was viewed with suspicion since the Uyghurs suspected her of faking the conversion. She did not integrate with the Uyghur community at all.[30]

Mixed children "Erzhuanzi"

Children who are of mixed Han and Uyghur ethnicities are known as erzhuanzi (二转子) and Uyghurs call them piryotki.[31] They are shunned by Uyghurs at social gatherings and events.[32]

Parents

In one interview the majority of Uyghur men viewed Han Chinese women as physically unattractive. None of them were dating Han women and had no desire to, viewing them as alien and "too skinny." However they said they were attracted to Turkish and Russian actresses.

Han parents in turn were negative towards Uyghur men and believed that women would suffer abuse at the hands of a Uyghur spouse.[33] Han youth were more open to interracial dating and Han parents, both mothers and fathers were more willing to let their sons date Uyghur girls while they object to their daughters dating Uyghur boys since they believe their girls would be in danger.[34]

Most Uyghurs in both Xinjiang and in Han-majority cities Shenzhen, Shanghai, and Beijing, desire that their son marry with fellow Uyghurs to preserve their culture. A Uyghur man interviewed in Urumqi expressed his willingness to let a Han man marry his daughter, but wanted his son to marry another Uyghur.[35]

Dating

Interracial dating is prevalent among Han people and "Chinese Uighur" (assimilated Uyghurs who speak Mandarin). One government employee Uyghur man interviewed said he does not anticipate a Han marrying his daughter but would not object to it if she wanted to. Another Uyghur man said he would not allow a Han woman to date his son because his descendants would not be raised as Uyghur,[36] but he would approve of his son marrying Kazakh or Russian girls.[37]

A psychotherapist treated a Han Chinese named Wang Minxing who was married to a taller Uyghur woman named Ayi Guli. She became a partner in his furniture manufacturing company and aborted two children they had together before they married. After they married she did not abort when she became pregnant a third time.[38] Wang wanted a son and as a minority Ayi was exempt from the then one-child policy, so she was allowed to give birth to another child. But Ayi later became a businesswoman to escape this patriarchal child bearing role.[39]

Underaged marriage, STDs, drugs

If girls below the marriage age were illegally wedded Uyghur men, prison sentences were handed out to them.[40]

The "Doğu Türkistan Bülteni Haber Ajansı" which supports the Turkistan Islamic Party, claimed that the AIDS virus was being used against Uyghurs.[41][42][43][42]

Fundamentalist Islamists prevent Uyghur women who are infected with HIV from getting drugs for their condition.[44]

Hui Muslim drug dealers are accused by Uyghurs of pushing heroin on Uyghurs.[45] Heroin has been vended by Hui dealers.[46] There is a typecast image in the public eye of heroin being the province of Hui dealers.[47] Hui have been involved in the Golden Triangle drug area.[48]

See also

References

  1. Benson, Linda (1990). The Ili Rebellion The Moslem Challenge to Chinese Authority in Xinjiang, 1944–1949. M.E. Sharpe. p. 74. ISBN 978-0-87332-509-7. https://books.google.com/?id=suuXIhetjZcC&pg=PA74. 
  2. Linda Benson (1990). The Ili Rebellion: The Moslem Challenge to Chinese Authority in Xinjiang, 1944–1949. M.E. Sharpe. pp. 164–. ISBN 978-0-87332-509-7. https://books.google.com/books?id=suuXIhetjZcC&pg=PA164#v=onepage&q&f=false. 
  3. Joanne N. Smith Finley (9 September 2013). The Art of Symbolic Resistance: Uyghur Identities and Uyghur-Han Relations in Contemporary Xinjiang. BRILL. pp. 330–. ISBN 978-90-04-25678-1. https://books.google.com/books?id=LQBBAQAAQBAJ&pg=PA330#v=onepage&q&f=false. 
  4. Joanne N. Smith Finley (9 September 2013). The Art of Symbolic Resistance: Uyghur Identities and Uyghur-Han Relations in Contemporary Xinjiang. BRILL. pp. 298–. ISBN 978-90-04-25678-1. https://books.google.com/books?id=LQBBAQAAQBAJ&pg=PA298#v=onepage&q&f=false. 
  5. Joanne N. Smith Finley (9 September 2013). The Art of Symbolic Resistance: Uyghur Identities and Uyghur-Han Relations in Contemporary Xinjiang. BRILL. pp. 299–. ISBN 978-90-04-25678-1. https://books.google.com/books?id=LQBBAQAAQBAJ&pg=PA299#v=onepage&q&f=false. 
  6. Palmer, James (27 September 2013). "The Uighurs, China's Embattled Muslim Minority, Are Still Seeking an Identity". The Atlantic. https://www.theatlantic.com/china/archive/2013/09/the-uighurs-chinas-embattled-muslim-minority-are-still-seeking-an-identity/280065/. 
  7. Haas, Benjamin (2 June 2015). "Bride and prejudice: rare Uygur-Han marriages reflect ethnic tension in Chinese society". South China Morning Post. AFP. http://www.scmp.com/article/1811159/bride-and-prejudice-rare-uygur-han-marriages-reflect-ethnic-tension-chinese-society. Haas, Benjamin (28 May 2015). "Bride and prejudice: rare ethnic marriages reflect China tensions". AFP News. AFP (Yahoo News). https://sg.news.yahoo.com/bride-prejudice-rare-ethnic-marriages-reflect-china-tensions-052011867.html. 
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  19. Joanne N. Smith Finley (9 September 2013). The Art of Symbolic Resistance: Uyghur Identities and Uyghur-Han Relations in Contemporary Xinjiang. BRILL. pp. 302–. ISBN 978-90-04-25678-1. https://books.google.com/books?id=LQBBAQAAQBAJ&pg=PA302#v=onepage&q&f=false. 
  20. Joanne N. Smith Finley (9 September 2013). The Art of Symbolic Resistance: Uyghur Identities and Uyghur-Han Relations in Contemporary Xinjiang. BRILL. pp. 304–. ISBN 978-90-04-25678-1. https://books.google.com/?id=LQBBAQAAQBAJ&pg=PA304&dq=uyghur+pressure+marriage#v=onepage&q=uyghur%20pressure%20marriage&f=false. 
  21. Joanne N. Smith Finley (9 September 2013). The Art of Symbolic Resistance: Uyghur Identities and Uyghur-Han Relations in Contemporary Xinjiang. BRILL. pp. 312–. ISBN 978-90-04-25678-1. https://books.google.com/books?id=LQBBAQAAQBAJ&pg=PA312#v=onepage&q&f=false. 
  22. Joanne N. Smith Finley (9 September 2013). The Art of Symbolic Resistance: Uyghur Identities and Uyghur-Han Relations in Contemporary Xinjiang. BRILL. pp. 306–. ISBN 978-90-04-25678-1. https://books.google.com/books?id=LQBBAQAAQBAJ&pg=PA306#v=onepage&q&f=false. 
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  25. Joanne N. Smith Finley (9 September 2013). The Art of Symbolic Resistance: Uyghur Identities and Uyghur-Han Relations in Contemporary Xinjiang. BRILL. pp. 317–. ISBN 978-90-04-25678-1. https://books.google.com/books?id=LQBBAQAAQBAJ&pg=PA317#v=onepage&q&f=false. 
  26. Finley, Joanne N. Smith (2013). The Art of Symbolic Resistance: Uyghur Identities and Uyghur-Han Relations in Contemporary Xinjiang (illustrated ed.). BRILL. p. 337. ISBN 978-9004256781. https://books.google.com/books?id=LQBBAQAAQBAJ&pg=PA337#v=onepage&q&f=false. Retrieved 24 April 2014. 
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